Sponge Bear

I woke up this morning at 5:45, and after a quick breakfast, hopped on my scooter and rode out to Tak'eng (Dakeng) 大坑. The weather was miserable, being overcast and drizzly, and the mountains were shrouded in fog - in short, it was a glorious morning walk, one that I wish I could do more often. Naturally, the threat of heavy rain kept all but a few souls at home. Being alone on a foggy mountain trail, especially the No. 1, which is still closed for repairs (nothing that a little fence hopping can't overcome), made me feel like I was in a Kurosawa 黒澤明 movie. The soggy Tung アブラギリ blossoms carpeting the ground also added to the atmosphere. The only thing missing from this picture were monkeys, but I'm not complaining. Heaven is what you make of it.

I spent eight hours this Sunday giving our apartment its monthly top-to-bottom, room-by-room cleaning. Of course here being Taiwan, our white tile floors will no doubt start showing the dirt again from tomorrow.

Before commencing with the 掃除, I took the time over breakfast to read in the Japan Times ジャパンタイムズ the latest Taiwan-related column by Tom Plate. Plate has a tendency to write articles that are seemingly sympathetic to Taiwan's predicament, but actually end up looking at the situations to see how best China could benefit. Today's piece, "A chance for Beijing to take a stand on health" http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20080504tp.html is no exception. Plate begins by reporting on the odious decision by the United Nations 国際連合 not to allow Taiwanese journalists to cover the annual World Health Assembly (WHA) of the World Health Organization (WHO) 世界保健機関 in Geneva ジュネーヴ on the 19th of this month, and notes that this is due to Chinese pressure:

"(China) views this Taiwan-journalist controversy as just another semi-clever wedge move by T'aipei (Taibei) 台北 to nail down the island's image as a permanently political entity separate and distinct from the mainland. Its strong feelings on the subject are well known to the U.N.'s Department of Public Information, which has enough problems on its hands without trying to take on Beijing by accrediting the Taiwan journalists."

This paragraph is then followed by one that, on the surface, appears to take the Taiwan's side in this issue:

"Even so, China and the U.N. are wrong on this issue, and the Taiwan journalists are right. Indeed, the latter is the strongly held view of almost every journalist I know, of the International Press Institute, of the prestigious and professional global network of editors, of the media executives and leading journalists in over 120 countries, and of the massive International Federation of Journalists. I could bore you by running through the details in the various clauses of the U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights 世界人権宣言 (such as Article 19, or Article 2), which lean toward the journalists, but instead, let's appeal directly to Beijing, the U.N. and — most of all — to good old common sense."

And here where it begins. Plate's argument is that knowledge is the key when it comes to improving the overall health situation of every person on this planet, and that by pressuring the U.N. to bar Taiwanese journalists from reporting on the WHA, everyone will suffer in the long run. But rather than pile on the well-deserved criticism that Beijing should be receiving over its actions, Plate ducks the issue:

"(China's) own public-information health record is less than exemplary. Beijing knows this, so let's not rehash the mainland's SARS 重症急性呼吸器症候群 and AIDS 後天性免疫不全症候 performance."

Which begs the question: Why not? Wouldn't pointing out China's less-than-honest efforts in the common fight against killer viruses bolster the claim to allow in Taiwanese reporters? Instead, Plate looks for some way to pat China on the back:

"...Beijing deserves credit for its recent cozy overtures to the newly elected government of Taiwan's Ma Ying Jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九. And, for his part, this dashing candidate of the Kuomintang (Guomindang) Party 中国国民党, which favors non-antagonistic relations with the mainland, has made it clear that he favors much warmer and closer ties with the Beijing behemoth."

Plate seems to have a thing for Ma. In a previous article, he called him "debonair". Here, Ma is "dashing" 英詩颯爽. Hmm...Anyway, Plate then goes on, as usual, to advise the Chinese on the best way to dig themselves out of the hole they've put themselves into:

"This is a golden opportunity for Beijing to make a grand and above-the-commonplace gesture, reverse its policy of opposing Taiwan journalists' accreditation in the interest of world public health, and look to the rest of the world like the reasonable government it can be when it actually wants to be reasonable. Besides, give the new guy Ma the sense of a small victory, and his new government may surprise Beijing with what it gets in return. And even if the Ma government — just now getting its act together — does blow the opportunity, it will look even better in the eyes of world public opinion."

Amazing. Instead of what should be a simple right vs. wrong argument, Plate manages to see an opportunity to bring Taiwan further into the mainland's clutches. China can look "reasonable", and Ma can appear to be defending Taiwan's interests, and it should all be to Beijing's benefit in the long run. We learn how Ma can come off smelling good, but no mention is made as to what would be in the best interests of Taiwan. And that would be either membership in the WHO, or at the very least, observer status in the WHA, for this island. Anything less means excluding Taiwan from measures to improve "the common health of mankind" that Plate is seemingly so concerned about. Instead of urging the U.N.'s "embattled" Department of Public Information to stop "kowtowing" 三跪九叩頭の礼 only on the issue of giving press credentials to Taiwanese journalists, he could (but doesn't, of course) urge the entire U.N. not to bend to China's desire to exclude this island from important international organizations. THAT would be the "healthy political development" that Tom Plate refers to at the end of his piece of tripe.

OK, so Fengyuan (Fongyuan) 豊原 sits in a plain, and the song is basically a put-down of suburban values, which isn't my intention here. We still had a very pleasant time this afternoon with Steve and his family, who drove out to have lunch with us in our apartment. Afterwards, we all headed over to a nearby park, where the kids thoroughly enjoyed themselves, and a good time was had by all.


After Steve, Amber, Zoey and Eli said their goodbyes and headed back to T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中, we made a brief stop at my in-laws' house. Every time she visits her grandparents, Amber is drawn to the piano in their living room, where she starts banging away at the keys. Is it possible we have a budding Thelonious Monk セロニアス・モンク in our midst?

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Is this the beginning of the end for Taiwan? A journey of a thousand miles starts with a single step, after all. Or steps, if you read below.

The Daily Yomiuri ザ・デイリー読売 is running an interview in its Friday edition with Vice President-elect Vincent Siew (Shō Banchō) 蕭萬長 that was conducted by the Yomiuri Shimbun 読売新聞 ("Siew: Taiwan to lift yuan ban Vice president-elect also vows to broaden tourism from China" http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/world/20080425TDY05304.htm):

"Taiwan Vice President-elect Vincent Siew reiterated Wednesday that Taiwan's new Kuomintang (Guomindang) 中国国民党, or Nationalist Party, administration plans to lift a ban on the exchange of the Chinese yuan currency as soon as possible, as well as launch weekend charter flights to and from China and start accepting Chinese tourists in July. Siew was speaking during an interview with The Yomiuri Shimbun in T'aipei (Taibei) 台北, his first with a Japanese news organization since winning the vice presidency last month. After President-elect Ma Ying-jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九 takes office May 20, Siew is expected to play a central role in affairs concerning Japan and China."

In the interview, Siew says that talks on direct flights and an increase in the number of Chinese tourists have finished on a "techinical level", and are awaiting a "political decision". He also mentions that discussions with China will resume in June, and that his talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao (Ko Kintō) 胡錦濤 earlier this month were "positive". The article then goes on to state:

"...Taiwan's new administration plans to allow the exchange and circulation of yuan 元 as soon as possible, in anticipation of the expected arrival of Chinese visitors. The exchange and circulation of Chinese currency has been banned in Taiwan except for some areas, such as Kinmen (Chinmen/Jinmen) Island 金門, which lies just off the mainland coast."

Other "good news" that Siew reveals in the interview include: an increase in the number of airports that provide direct access to China from two to as many as seven; the allowance of Chinese investments in construction projects in Taiwan; and the acceptance of China's offer of two giant pandas. It looks like this island will slowly, but surely, be drawn ever closer into China's orbit once the Ma-Siew administration takes over next month.

(On the topic of the expected increase in Chinese tourists to Taiwan, I've read several things on local blogs to the effect that tourist sights are going to get more crowded here as a result. I'm not worried about that happening, but I do wonder if the recent promotional efforts made by local tourist officials to attract more Western and Japanese visitors, which have been a great improvement compared to the not-so-distant past, might lag again if businesses prefer to take the easy road by relying more and more on yuan-spending mainlanders).

Finally, when it comes to the Japan-Taiwan relationship, Siew has this to say:

"Siew stated his intention to deepen relations with Japan, saying Taiwan aims to conclude an economic partnership agreement with Tōkyō and make efforts to launch flights between Taipei's Sungshan (Songshan) Airport 台北松山空港 and Tōkyō's Haneda Airport 羽田空港. 'We'd like to continue and further develop the Taiwan-Japan relationship, which has advanced under the [current] Democratic Progressive Party 民主進歩党 [administration],' Siew said. Asked about the fisheries issue in the waters around the disputed Senkaku Islands 尖閣諸島, which are also claimed by Taiwan, Siew said: 'We should shelve the [territorial] dispute and try to facilitate benefits for both sides. We shouldn't allow [the dispute] to affect the Taiwan-Japan relationship.'"

I guess when the presidency and legislature are safely in your hands, it doesn't hurt to give the DPP some credit!

I went for a nice 2-hour walk this morning in the Tak'eng (Dakeng) 大坑 area of T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中. Thanks to yesterday's rain, the air today was relatively fresh, and a lot of birds and insects were out and about. And, as usual, so were the radios. I encountered several hikers on the trails decked out in full Taiwanese hiking gear - backpacks, boots, gloves, hats...and portable radios, putting out Taiwanese enka 演歌 or broadcasting political talk shows. As MJ Klein points out on The NHBushman.com (http://www.thenhbushman.com/), it's probably the lack of man-made sounds out in the mountains that induces feelings of anxiety in some locals, to the point where they need to bring along their radios to let them know they're "not alone out there". But still I find it hard to understand. After all, even on a weekday morning, the trails of Takeng are far from empty. In addition, planes and helicopters are continually flying overhead, and buildings are almost always visible off in the distance. What exactly is there to be afraid of?

In all fairness, the majority of people out walking/hiking in Takeng are sans radios. And those that do bring them along tend to keep the volume low. Still, do the latter people know what they're missing? I once was the only person who noticed a group of monkeys grunting and thrashing about in the bushes just off to the side of a trail, because everyone else that passed by was either listening to their portable radios, or too busy talking in loud voices with their companions, to notice what was going on just a few feet away. みんなは気がつかなくて残念ね。

今日生徒さんのエンジェル、シャロン、ロディックといっしょに豊原の中正公園に行って散歩をした。娘のアンバーも連れて行った。今朝はその公園で3度新しいチャイルドハーネスを使って、それにアンバーが慣れていると思う。

The day began with a refreshing commentary on Taiwan's recent presidential election in the Japan Times　ジャパンタイムズ ("Hope for Taiwan's future" http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20080415a1.html) by Hisahiko Okazaki 岡崎久彦. Okazaki is a regular contributor to the newspaper, and he's very sympathetic to Taiwan's situation. His column today starts off by saying:

"Even in democracies, if one party holds power for long enough, scandals can occur and popular support can fade. Nevertheless, the result of the Taiwanese presidential election was a landslide victory for the Nationalist Party 中国国民党 (KMT) that far exceeded expectations. I felt, though conscious of the heartbreaking of friends of mine in the Democratic Progressive Party 民主進歩党 (DPP), that the election result may lead to a sort of optimistic outlook concerning Taiwan's future. In other words, the Taiwanese voters completely discounted the possibility of a KMT victory leading to a possible China-Taiwan reunification. Otherwise they would not have opted for the KMT in the midst of China's crackdown in Tibet."

This is certainly different from the views of most outside observers. Okazaki takes Ma Ying-jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九 at his word when the latter says he isn't in favor of reunification, and notes how both candidates stressed thier Taiwanese identities. He then goes to note that:

"Previously, I had been apprehensive concerning the future of Taiwan's freedom and democracy. Democracy cannot be realized unless both the governing and opposition parties have a common vision concerning the ground rules for maintaining a democratic system. Democratically electing a Nazi-like party that has a totalitarian view of the state means choosing to end democracy through democratic means. In Taiwan's case, as well, electing a government that consents to the one country, two systems arrangement means the end of freedom and democracy. Even though 10 years have passed in Hong Kong, a popular election has yet to be held. But that really is a trivial issue. The problem is that Hong Kong will enjoy freedom only for a duration of 40 more years. Whether the time that freedom is assured is 50 years or 100 years, it is still a promise to throw away the freedom of one's grandchildren."

I don't think I've read anyone else worrying about what will happen to Hong Kong after 2047 - good point. Continuing on, he writes that:

"I was concerned about a similar situation developing in Taiwan. Chinese President Hu Jintao (Ko Kintō) 胡錦濤 made a proposal for peace talks with Taiwan. Whether such talks materialize through peaceful means (though inevitably under military and economic threat) or by the direct use of forces, Taiwan will eventually lose its freedom if, under such pressure, the president accepts the one country, two system 一国二制度 solution. And I thought that a KMT president would be more prone to accept such compromise, and that a DPP government was a safer choice until that possibility completely disappeared. If the possibility of Taiwan accepting a one country, two system solution completely disappeared, I would not be concerned about Taiwan's future even if a change of government took place as a result of its democratic setup. The results of the latest presidential and legislature elections gives me hope that perhaps Taiwan might have already reached this stage."

I'm willing to give Ma the benefit of the doubt for now, but I suspect there are those in the KMT who would willingly sell out Taiwan in order to become this island's version of Tung Chee Hwa (Tō Kenka) 董建華. Okazaki next talks about China:

"China has been calling for natural, peaceful unification based on deepening of mutual economic dependence, although it is not known whether this is propaganda or its true intention. I do not mind this policy since I believe that economics and politics are fundamentally different. But strict vigilance is necessary so that intimidation and other unfair means intended for exploiting the growing economic interdependence shall not be used for political purposes against Taiwanese firms that have invested in China."

I'm sure that such intimidation and pressure is inevitable. Okazaki follows with a warning to the U.S. government:

"It is natural for (the United States) to feel relieved with the results of the elections so that there is no worry regarding maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait for the time being. However, I would like to point out that assuming, from these results, that the Taiwan problem will be resolved through future reunification seriously risks misreading the sentiment of the Taiwanese people."

And he concludes in brilliant fashion:

"And finally, concerning the oft-mentioned danger of declaration of Taiwan's independence occurring when the pendulum swings back in the other direction, as a result of the future workings of democracy, I would like to point out that such a danger is an illusion. Taiwan, with its conditions, is already qualified as a nation state under international law, better qualified than a hundred other members of the United Nations. The only thing missing is formal international recognition. More to the point, recognition by America and Japan. But the U.S. government is hamstrung by the previous joint U.S.-China communiques and Japan does not have the political power to act independently on this issue. Consequently, even if Taiwan formally declares independence, there will be no changes in the slightest from the present status. Declaration of independence adds nothing. As long as the KMT is closely in step with Taiwanese public sentiment that opposes reunification, it means the existence of a stable consensus concerning Taiwan's future. And that will assure the future function of democracy. In fact, change of government will be possible in accordance with democratic procedures."

There aren't many analysts out there who point out what should be obvious - namely, that Taiwan is, for all intents and purposes, an independent state, and having the rest of the world accept this fact isn't going to lead to a third world war. In other words, nothing will change.

Perhaps inspired by this editorial breath of fresh air, I took my daughter Amber out this morning to get some of the real thing. Unfortunately, today's air quality was none too good, but we gave our new child carrier its second whirl in the friendly confines of the Chung-cheng (Jhong-jheng) Park 中正公園 area. It seems to be getting easier with each effort, but it's still going to be a long, long time before the two of us conquer Yushan 玉山 (or Niitakayama 新高山, as it was known during the Japanese era)!


I had some unexpected time off this afternoon, so I used it to go into T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中 to pick up my plane tickets from the travel agency. I will be making another solo trip to Japan at the beginning of June, and my itinerary is as follows:
May 31 - Ōsaka 大阪
June 1 - Kurayoshi 倉吉
June 2 to 5 - Matsue 松江
June 6 - Okayama 岡山
June 7 - Ōsaka 大阪
Obviously, the main focus will be my first visit to the Matsue area, home of Lacadio Hearn 小泉八雲 and Izumo Taisha 出雲大社. The travel agent commented that I must've been a Japanese in a previous life. I don't know about that, but I've certainly provided her with a lot of business as a result of the periodic need to reacquaint myself with my previous country of residence.

Tickets in hand, I took note (and some pictures) of Japanese being used around Taichung as I prepared to head back to Fengyuan (Fongyuan) 豊原:


On the left is a sign that tries to impart that here is a "beautiful book store" 美しさ書屋 (next time, try 美しい本屋, folks!). On the right is the sign for a teahouse that calls itself "Takumiya" 拓海屋, with the name "helpfully" written in hiragana (たくみや). This establishment is supposedly from Ōsaka 大阪.


The drugstore on the left calls itself "Bridge Drug" in English, and uses both English and Japanese くすり to let us know what it has for sale. The Japanese name of the shop is a little strange, however: 橋の薬妝. The kanji for "bridge" 橋 is also given in furigana ハシ (why?), and the character 妝, while used in Taiwan to mean cosmetics, yielded nothing when I checked my online Japanese dictionaries. The establishment on the right has simply misspelled what kind of cuisine is on offer - it should read "Teppanyaki", with an "i" at the end of the word instead of an "e".

The above subject title was suggested by my wife, who was less than thrilled by the pair of old buildings we visited this afternoon in T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中. Come to think of it, I wasn't particularly overwhelmed by what we saw either, at least not until the very end. First stop was Wenying (Wunying) Hall 文英館, which is listed in 地球の歩き方台湾 ('05-'06 edition) as 台湾伝統版印特蔵室. However, we didn't see any Taiwanese seals, traditional or otherwise, on display. Instead, there were two galleries with some mildly interesting paintings and scrolls (of modern vintage). The building only dates from 1976, yet was declared an Historic Structure by the city of Taichung in 2002. Like many things put up in the Seventies, it isn't particularly attractive, and IMHO, is one structure that could've been torn down, and replaced with something more modern. At least the galleries are free of charge.


Next, we crossed the street to visit the former residence of the mayor of Taichung:

Dating from 1929, it's a surprisingly small building, considering its stature as a high-level politician's home. That's probably because it was originally the residence of a Japanese ophthalmologist 眼科医 by the name of Takekuma Miyahara (or 宮原眼科, as he is listed on the plaque in front of the building), and was taken over by the city after the end of the Second World War. Aside from a cafe, there isn't much to see or do, but it's certainly more pleasing to the eyes than Wenying Hall.

Upon leaving the mayor's residence, we took a stroll through the extremely crowded area known as 台中一中街, packed with food stalls and people. I'm not sure what my daughter made of the sea of humanity, but I took notice of the fact that GEOS ジオス, a large English conversation school chain in Japan (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GEOS_%28eikaiwa%29), has a branch in the area.


Our last stop of the day was Taichung Park, aka Chungshan (Jhongshan) Park 中山公園. Opened by the Japanese as Taichū Park in 1903, the pavilion pictured below is considered to be the symbol of Taichung, and appears in most tourist brochures:

What caught my eye, however, was the site of an old Shintō 神道 shrine 神社 that once stood in the park. The main hall 本殿 is gone, having been replaced by a statue of Confucius (Kōshi) 孔子, but other aspects are still in place: the row of stone lanterns leading up to what was the main building (the lanterns themselves are gone, but the posts remain, with the names of the Japanese donors still etched in place - 清水, 石川 etc.), and the pairs of koma-inu 狛犬 guardian lion-dogs and horses.


And to think there are some naive souls who come to Taiwan to experience "traditional Chinese culture" :)

This article in today's Daily Yomiuri ザ・デイリー読売 ("China, Taiwan usurp Japanese trademarks" http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/world/20080410TDY02308.htm) really comes as no surprise:

"The brands accorded to two noted Japanese regional potteries, Kutaniyaki 九谷焼 and Minoyaki 美濃焼, have been registered as trademarks of Chinese companies, according to a survey by the Beijing office of the Japan External Trade Organization 日本貿易振興機構 (JETRO) released Tuesday. Chinese and Taiwanese firms also have submitted applications to Chinese authorities to use Japanese regional brands including Matsusaka-ushi 松阪牛 beef and Naruto Kintoki なると金時 sweet potato as trademarks, a JETRO official said. The Japanese local specialties have been designated by the government's Patent Office 特許庁 as regional brands to stimulate local economies. Once a name is registered as a trademark, one cannot newly register the same designation unless the original trademark holder officially surrenders ownership of the brand name."

One Chinese firm even went so far as to register the name of a prefecture in Japan, Kagoshima 鹿児島. This turns out to be far from unusual, however, as the article quotes JETRO in Beijing as saying:

"...as of the end of December, Chinese or Taiwanese firms had registered 36 of Japan's 47 prefectural names as trademarks, with the name Kyōto 京都 seeing the greatest number of registrations at 93. Most companies using Japanese brands are Chinese firms, although individuals also did so. By using Japanese brands as trademarks, Chinese firms can benefit free of charge from name recognition to raise their products' prices when marketing them in China. Individuals who own registered trademarks can sell them for money..."

One name that I don't think will be trademarked in either China or Taiwan is "Senkaku" 尖閣. Then again, you never know...

I got up at 5:45 this morning in order to get in an early morning hike in the Tak’eng (Dakeng) 大坑 area. On the walk up from the parking lot to the start of the No. 4 Trail, I encountered a couple of monkeys, who were remarkably unperturbed by my presence. The local lizards, of which many were out and about this morning, also didn’t seem to mind when I walked by. I wish I could say the same for some of the human residents!

今朝大坑という山地方で散歩しながら、２つの猿に出くわした。たくさんのトカゲも見えた。

The Japan Times ジャパンタイムズ is carrying yet another analysis of the recent presidential election in Taiwan, "Voice of Taiwanese heard around Asia" http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20080406tp.html. Written by Tom Plate, it begins by commenting (as so many others have done before) on China's rising power and status, before turning its attention to Ilha Formosa:

"Another orbiting territory does hold elections — real ones, fiercely fought, as if the people have never known anything else. And one was held there just recently. The result offered dramatic and historic significance. It is Taiwan, the island off mainland China. Yes, its population is but 23 million or so, but nonetheless it's a major player in the evolution of Asia. That's because of tensions with mainland monster China, which considers the island a bratty defector from the otherwise always-close mainland family. That Goliath-David odd-couple relationship helps set the tone of the East Asian region. Whoever Taiwan had elected as its president last month inevitably would be a closely watched event."

The remark about "another orbiting territory" is in reference to Hong Kong. Apparently, with the exception of directly electing its leaders (which the people of Hong Kong are not allowed to do), Pate doesn't see much of a difference between the Republic of China 中華民国 and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 香港特別行政区. The praise then starts to flow from Plate's pen:

"What Taiwan decided was historic: That it was time for a change. Overwhelmingly, voters said the tactics of confrontation with China, as practiced by the outgoing Democratic People's Party (sic) 民主進歩党 government, were not getting anyone anywhere, and they said control of the central government should switch to the Kuomintong (sic) 中国国民党. The KMT party, for years in opposition, is the very party with which Beijing has repeatedly declaimed as the most comfortable. With this stunning result, you could almost hear a collective sigh of relief sweep across Asia. The triumphant KMT was led by the debonair Ma Ying-jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九. For months he had been expected to win the presidential race. But the resurgent troubles in Tibet チベット had forecasters wondering whether the party that was so committed to negotiation with Beijing would be able to maintain plausibility with Taiwan voters when the world's TV cameras were suggesting that Beijing didn't seem to be in favor of negotiating with anyone right now. Taiwan answered the clubs of Tibet with votes for change — for dramatic movement away from confrontation. With the thundering certainty that only a decisive ballot box result can offer, the vote heard around Asia was a call for sanity, civility and stability."

I've heard Ma called many things, both good and bad, but this is the first time to my knowledge someone has described him as "debonair". Plate goes on to write:

"Even if the result had gone the other way, Beijing would not have learned any lesson; it would not have viewed its Tibet repression as ill-advised. On the contrary, it probably would only have cemented the Communist mind-set that reason has no compelling force of its own and that resorting to force is never unreasonable as long as it is effective. The voters of Taiwan in effect sought to offer their own — dramatically different — message. They anointed a new government that ran on a high-profile platform of negotiation rather than confrontation. The brave voters of Taiwan were not cowered by images of the police and military clubs being used against the protesters in Tibet. Rather, they were saying that had mature and forward-moving negotiations been in place over there, probably the clubs and police would never have had to come out."

Perhaps I'm a little confused, but couldn't the opposite conclusion from what Plate is drawing also be made here? That the "brave" voters of Taiwan actually got scared by what they were seeing happening in Tibet on their TV screens, and decided it would be better to put into office the man more likely to kowtow to China's wishes? If that's the case, then Beijing has, in fact, learned a very valuable lesson: might makes right after all. And the Dalai Lama ダライ・ラマ has offered for years to negotiate greater autonomy for Tibet, as opposed to outright independence, yet China has rebuffed his efforts at "mature and forward-moving negotiations".

Plate then moves on to Asia in general, and of the necessity of trying to get along with the 800-pound gorilla living in its midst:

"Over the millenniums, Asia has acquired much genetic experience in surviving in the shadow of the Han-Chinese giant. But survival requires wise and sometimes wily adaptation, not dinosaur-like blustering. You may not like the fact that Mother China has so much gravity and weight in Asia, but if you don't, in truth, your quarrel is less with China itself than with history. Taiwan's voters understand this unavoidable reality; let us hope the next American president, whoever she or he is, does, too...without negotiation, the worst is sure to come. This is what the voters of Taiwan said, overwhelmingly, this weekend. And they were so right and timely to say it. There's a lesson for China and Tibet."

And that lesson, for non-Han peoples, seems to be to put up and shut up. In Plate's view, history is on the side of the Chinese giant. I've long suspected that the underlying reason for the antagonism felt by many Chinese towards Japan is not just based on the atrocities of the Second World War 日中戦争, but also on the fact that centuries ago, the Japanese stopped paying tribute to the Chinese imperial court. The gall of the "little dwarves" in not knowing their rightful place in relation to the Middle Kingdom (why, they even stood up to the Mongols 元寇, as did the Vietnamese, who, coincidentally, also have a long history of antagonistic relations with China)! Could some payback be in the offing as China continues to grow stronger?

Yesterday (Friday) was Tomb Sweeping Day 清明節 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tomb_Sweeping_Day), a national holiday. As a result, today (Saturday) was also a day off, thus making for a three-day weekend. And while we decided not to make any overnight trips this time, we did drive into the very center of Taiwan, to the town of P'uli (Puli) 埔里 on a day that turned out to be both very warm and very smoggy.

Before setting out this morning, I read an article in the Daily Yomiuri ザ・デイリー読売 on an interview with Taiwan's former president, Lee Tung-hui (Ri Tōki) 李登輝 ("Taiwan's Lee seeking to bolster Japan ties" http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/world/20080405TDY05306.htm):

"Former Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui is keen to act as an unofficial adviser on relations with Japan for President-elect Ma Ying-jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九 after Ma takes office in May to help ensure the bilateral relationship stays on an even keel. 'Japan-Taiwan ties are as important or more important than Taiwan-China ties, and our solidarity with Japan is crucial for our economic development,' Lee told The Yomiuri Shimbun 読売新聞 on Thursday. 'Mr. Ma doesn't know much about Japan. Someone who is clued up on Japanese affairs should be doing the job [of adviser].'"

Lee is quoted, however, as saying that a younger man (he's 85) should act in such a role. Like many mainlanders (and in contrast to many Taiwanese), Ma isn't so keen on Japan:

"Some observers of Japan-Taiwan affairs have been concerned that Ma, who swept to victory in last month's presidential election, could take the wind out of attempts to improve relations. Ma has previously taken a hard-line stance on the Senkaku Islands 尖閣諸島, which also are claimed by China and Taiwan. But after a meeting with Lee last month, Ma seemed to be willing to take a more pragmatic tack with Tōkyō. 'We discussed using his influence to help develop Japan-Taiwan ties. I'd like to continue receiving Mr. Lee's advice,' said Ma, who will officially take office on May 20. Observers suggested the meeting also indicated Lee was keen to act as a conduit between Ma and Japan."

Lee, for his part, praises the recent election as a sign of "the growing maturity of Taiwan's democracy", and harshly criticizes the losing Democratic Progressive Party 民主進歩党:

"'The DPP's win in 2000 was a step forward for democracy, but what has happened in the eight years since? The people were fed up--they became disillusioned with the corruption-riddled DPP,' Lee said."

In the interview, Lee also claims he isn't worried by the prospect of the KMT 中国国民党 becoming too close with China:

"'Taiwan is, to all intents and purposes, a single country. The China-Taiwan issue won't be resolved for quite some time,' he said. 'China has its hands full dealing with its own knotty internal problems, so the administration there doesn't have the wherewithal to focus on the Taiwan issue.' Lee praised Ma's plan to start direct flights between China and Taiwan and welcome Chinese tourists, saying these moves would improve Beijing 北京-T'aipei (Taibei) 台北 ties. But he was more skeptical of the incoming president's hopes for a peace accord with China. 'I doubt that will happen,' Lee said."

On a more personal note, Lee revealed his intention:

"...to make a sightseeing visit to Japan before the end of the year, which will include a trip following the path 17th-century haiku 俳句 poet Matsuo Bashō 松尾芭蕉 took during the early Edo period 江戸時代 (1603-1867), as recounted in his work, 'Oku no Hosomichi.' 奥の細道 Lee, a prominent Japanophile, said he plans to visit Niigata 新潟県 and Fukui 福井県 prefectures, among other places."

I'm also planning a trip to Japan soon, the details of which I'll reveal at a later date. But for now, it's on to Puli...

...an ugly-looking town that for some reason receives prominent mention in most Taiwan travel guides. Anyone traveling through the central mountains of this island will probably find themselves in Puli at some point in their journey, but there really is no compelling reason to linger there (just ask the Nakamuras http://tw.search.yahoo.com/search?ei=utf-8&fr=slv8-veoh&p=puli%20nakamura). Our first stop was a classic tourist trap, the P'uli Shaohsing (Puli Shaosing) Brewery 埔里酒廠, where the Puli Winery Corporation produces Shaohsing wine:


Although admission is free, the first floor is designed to get visitors to open up their wallets, as it's chock full of stalls selling all kinds of snacks made with wine (the wine-soaked strawberry cake sample seemed to give our daughter Amber a buzz!). Several of the stands at least had signs in both English and Japanese, and the "French style chocolate with alcohol" フレンチスタイルアルコール入りチョコレート was admittedly pretty good. The second floor houses a small museum on the winery's history, with some interesting photos from the Japanese period, and even evidence that the Thirsty Traveler (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thirsty_Traveler) had been there. But, overall, the emphasis is clearly on commerce, not education, and probably isn't worth putting up with the crowds, unless you are a wine connoisseur.


Following our visit to the brewery, we drove across town to the Taiwan Geographic Center Monument 台湾地理中心碑. I had bought a child carrier in T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中 on Friday, and I was planning on trying it out this afternoon. The idea is to bring Amber along on my back when I go hiking, so I wanted to walk from the monument marking the exact geographic center of Taiwan to Carp Lake 鯉魚潭, a walk of about 2 kilometers (1.2 miles). I have to admit, however, that I may have been a little overly ambitious the first time out. It was a short, but steep, haul up some stone steps to the monument, which was tiring enough, but the walk to the lake turned out to be far from the idyllic forest trek I'd imagined it to be. Instead, faced with an uphill walk on a busy road, with a 12-kilogram (26 pounds) child strapped to my back in temperatures near 30 C (86 F), I quickly concluded that I need to build up more endurance first, so we headed back down to ground level where Pamela was waiting for us. We ended up driving up the same road to a lookout point where several paragliders パラグライダー were flying about, a fact that got Amber very excited, so we got out of the car to take a look. The view from the top of the mountain looking down on Puli was stupendous...or would have been, if it wasn't for the horrible air quality that all too often plagues the skies of Taiwan, even in small towns in the central mountains.


And with that, it was back to Fengyuan (Fongyuan) 豊原, with a brief stop at a popular freeway rest area in the Taichung County 台中県 town of Shalu 沙鹿, where, to quote Michael Turton from his blog "The View from Taiwan" (http://michaelturton.blogspot.com/), Taiwan's ability to "vomit up people" was on display:


Just another day on the Beautiful Island!

A Japanese-style yakiniku restaurant ("Nisshiki Yakiniku" 日式焼肉) in T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中.

The 2008 Major League Baseball season has gotten underway, and here in Taiwan, that can only mean Wang Chien-ming 王建民. While Wang is certainly a good pitcher (even if he does ply his trade with the hated New York Yankees), it's nice to see other Taiwanese players get some notice in the media. The Daily Yomiuri ザ・デイリー読売 has an article in its sports section today on a game last night between the Chūnichi Dragons 中日ドラゴンズ and the (hated) Yomiuri Giants 読売ジャイアンツ, and the headline says it all: "Chen sends Yomiuri to worst start" http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/sports/20080403TDY20304.htm. "Chen" is Chen Wei-yen 陳偉殷 (or チェン as he known on the Dragons roster), who earned his first victory after four years playing in Japan, and recovering from elbow surgery. The newspaper summarizes the game thusly:

"A Chunichi pitcher who had little time to get warm kept Yomiuri ice cold as the Dragons blanked the Giants 3-0 on two hits at Tōkyō Dome 東京ドーム on Wednesday. Chen Wei-yen came on in the second inning in relief of injured starter Masahiro Yamamoto 山本昌広 and tossed 5-2/3 shutout innings to send the defending Central League champions to a franchise-worst fifth-straight loss to open the season."

There are several other players from Taiwan in both MLB and Nippon Professional Baseball (NPB). I hope we can hear more about them, and a little less about Wang, this year. Fat chance of that happening, though.

The Japan Times ジャパンタイムズ has an all-together more serious article on Taiwanese politics in its commentary section. Entitled (without any hint of sarcasm or irony) "Taiwan politics: Back to the good old days under the KMT" http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20080403a1.html, it's yet another analysis of the presidential election. Ah, back to the days of martial law, and imprisonment, torture and executions of political prisoners? Not according to one Denny Roy, of the East-West Center in Honolulu:

"Surprises and exciting finishes are the rule in Taiwan's elections. In the months before the presidential election on March 22, Nationalist Party 中国国民党 (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九 led Democratic Progress Party 民主進歩党 (DPP) candidate Frank Hsieh Chang-ting (Sha Chōtei) 謝長廷 in public opinion polls by as much as 20 percent, but the gap appeared to be shrinking as the vote approached...When the votes were in, however, the result was a resounding 16 percentage point victory for Ma. Why did he win by such a large margin? The DPP claims it is because the KMT has disproportionate influence over Taiwan's media (some even believe China helps finance Blue-oriented media outlets). This would help explain what Ma's critics call his 'Teflon man' quality — the damage caused by his mistakes has made relatively little impact. To other observers, the largest single factor in Ma's victory appeared to be public dissatisfaction with incumbent DPP President Chen Shui-bian's (Chin Suihen) 陳水扁 performance, particularly the weak economy that has plagued Taiwan through most of his presidency. Chen's implication in a corruption scandal, for which he may face prosecution after he leaves office, also hurt, as it undermined the DPP's long-standing effort to present itself as a clean alternative to an allegedly corrupt KMT. The 'one party domination' argument may have been negated by the public's weariness with the divided government that prevailed during the Chen years and often obstructed much-needed legislation."

For a man who has written a book on Taiwanese politics http://www.eastwestcenter.org/about-ewc/directory/?class_call=view&staff_ID=1337, it's rather curious that Roy fails to mention that it was obstructionism on the part of the KMT that led to the legislative gridlock cited above. Later on in the article, he writes:

"Taiwan's relatively low level of defense spending and unwillingness to pay for the arms package Washington offered in 2001 created among many Americans a suspicion that Taiwan was a defense free-rider. Ma has already begun to heal the rift. Harvard-educated and fluent in English, he made a favorable impression during a visit to America in 2006. The KMT is apparently interested in purchasing another batch of F-16 fighters. And Ma has committed to raising Taiwan's defense spending to 3 percent of the country's gross domestic product."

And again Roy omits to mention that it has been the KMT that has held up the arms purchase package. He also glides over the fact that Ma, on that 2006 US visit, promised to get moving on the arms sale as soon as he got back to Taiwan, a pledge that was never kept.

Roy does make some good points in his commentary:

"...DPP campaigners relied on a 'conversion strategy' that emphasized a shrill and divisive message: voting DPP is the only defense against Taiwan being sold out to China. The fact that many native Taiwanese voted for Ma proves that this narrow definition of patriotism has limited appeal. Ma even won in Kaohsiung (Gaosiong) 高雄, a southern Taiwan city where Hsieh served as mayor and a traditional DPP stronghold. The latest round of referendums was a minor disaster, ruined by partisanship. The exercise was dubious from the beginning. Asking the people of Taiwan if they want membership in the United Nations under the name 'Taiwan' made little sense except as a tactic to use Taiwan nationalism to mobilize supporters of the DPP on election day. As a counterweight, the KMT sponsored its own similar U.N. referendum, giving voters the opportunity to choose whether they would like to join the U.N. under the name 'Taiwan' or 'Republic of China.' In fact, the premise was a complete fantasy offered to date have reached that threshold. In this case the competing referendums proved counterproductive. China's Taiwan Affairs Office misconstrued the result, announcing that 'the issue of independence has not won the heart of the Taiwanese people.' Yet even without China's bias, foreign observers might reach the false conclusion that Taiwan's people do not want to join the U.N."

The UN referendum pushed by the DPP was a pointless exercise that both took attention away from the presidential campaign, and needlessly riled countries like the US that Taiwan must rely on (even if the former overreacted in this case).

However, in the rest of the article, Roy reverts to a tired analysis that only looks at things from a Chinese point of view:

"Ma supports the 'one China' principle, which Beijing has said will clear the way for a resumption of cross-strait talks...Ma also favors expanded cross-strait economic and social contacts, which are part of the (Chinese) strategy for peaceful unification. In short, a Ma presidency will greatly assure China that Taiwan is back on track toward politically joining China. Unless the Chinese leadership becomes overly anxious, this should greatly reduce the need to influence Taiwan through military threats."

Yes, good times are coming, if you like the idea of Chinese hegemony. However:

"One of Ma's challenges will be to improve cross-strait relations without losing domestic support; in other words, he must satisfy both the Chinese government and Taiwan society. Ma must prove himself to the over 40 percent of his countrymen who voted against him. He cannot move too quickly or too far to accommodate Beijing. To demonstrate that he is not the sellout, some in Taiwan fear Ma must carry out some policies that are inherently undesirable to Beijing. First, he will have to insist that China treat Taipei as an equal negotiating partner rather than a subordinate. Second, he will want to repair the relationship with the United States as a hedge against China."

Some people in Taiwan "fear" that a President Ma might actually have to pursue policies that favor Taiwanese interests over those of China? An interesting choice of word. Roy goes on to write:

"Beijing seems to have learned that using overt threats against Taiwan tends to bring about the opposite of the desired result. Nevertheless, the Chinese Communist Party's understanding of democratic politics in Taiwan is suspect. Some Chinese elites may see Ma's presidency as an opportunity to push for major steps toward unification, making up for time lost since 2000. But expecting too much too soon from Ma without regard to his domestic political environment would be a mistake even in terms of China's own interests. Such impatience could set the stage for a backlash in 2012 that would return the DPP to power. Beijing must realize that it is in China's interests to give Ma enough rewards and concessions to maintain his legitimacy at home. The Chinese could not grant any leeway to a Taiwan president whom they believed was a committed 'separatist,' but they can to Ma. Some possible acts of reconciliation Beijing could offer include a freeze or withdrawal of the ballistic missiles arrayed against Taiwan, which can be easily redeployed if necessary; and acquiescence to Taiwan attaining observer status in the World Health Assembly."

It seems threats of military action against democratically-elected governments is a perfectly acceptable policy tool in Roy's analysis of Taiwan-China relations. He concludes by writing:

"Ma's presidency represents an opportunity for the transformed KMT to show how competently it can govern Taiwan, for China to show some magnanimity in cross-strait relations now that its Chen nightmare is ending, and for Taipei to rekindle the previous warmth of the U.S.-Taiwan relationship. It is too much to hope that the great potential in all these areas will be fully realized, but at minimum some improvement in each is likely compared with the Chen era."

Eight years of attempting to strengthen democracy's roots in Taiwan, and of encouraging a Taiwanese identity, are dismissed in a single word: "nightmare". I worry that for the people of Taiwan, as well as those in the larger East Asia area, the "nightmare" may only just be beginning.

A week after the presidential election, the Japan Times got around to commenting on it in an editorial ("Taiwan takes a new approach" http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/ed20080329a1.html):

"The election of Mr. Ma Ying-Jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九, the Nationalist 中国国民党 (KMT) candidate, in Taiwan's presidential campaign last weekend could herald a diminution of tensions in the Taiwan Strait 台湾海峡, one of the remaining legacies of the Cold War 冷戦 and a potential nuclear flash point. Mr. Ma has called for closer relations with the mainland. More importantly, he pledged that his administration would emphasize economics, rather than the political identity of Taiwan, a marked departure from the approach of the incumbent president, Mr. Chen Shui-bian (Chin Suihen) 陳水扁. This return to pragmatism in Taipei is welcome."

The gist of the editorial is that Taiwan's voters focused on the state of the economy than on issues related to Taiwan's identity when it came time to cast ballots. The JT's editorial staff claims not to have been surprised by the extent of Ma's win:

"In his campaign, Mr. Ma...vowed to focus on the economy. That won over most voters, who elected him over Mr. Frank Hsieh (Sha Chōtei) 謝長廷 of the...Democratic Progressive Party 民主進歩党 (DPP), by a 58 to 42 percent margin. The results were expected. The KMT and two small affiliates claimed three-quarters of the seats in parliamentary elections in January and the KMT runs 15 of Taiwan's 25 largest cities. In fact, the prospect of KMT domination of both the executive and legislative branches was one of the most important influences on voter thinking in last weekend's ballot."

Personally, I like the idea of having checks and balances in my executive and legislative branches, but the people of Taiwan have spoken:

"Taiwanese voters know better...Closer relations with (China) do not mean that reunification is around the corner. Most Taiwanese want independence, but they recognize what is not within their grasp. They seek pragmatic accommodation that allows them to prosper while protecting their hard-won democratic freedoms."

So what happens next? According to the Japan Times:

"The biggest concern now is Beijing's understanding of Taiwanese politics. It has wooed KMT leaders for several years and they have reciprocated. But if Beijing expects the new president to sharply alter course, then it is sure to be disappointed. Mr. Ma has said that 'before we can talk about peace, we need to remove the threat,' a reference to the 1,000 missiles reportedly arrayed against Taiwan. Mr. Ma has also promised to increase defense spending to about 3 percent of GDP. That does not sound like a man ready for unification. Fortunately, with the Olympics on the horizon, China will have little appetite for tension."

Can Ma really stand up to Beijing? We'll just have to wait and see. But for the JT, there are things to consider closer to home (i.e. Japan):

"Mr. Ma also reportedly wants to elevate relations with Japan. Japan overtook the U.S. in 2006 as Taiwan's second-largest trading partner: Two-way trade nearly reached $63 billion, and 2.3 million tourists were exchanged. While the KMT has traditionally been cool on relations with Tokyo, Mr. Ma is said to want to launch negotiations on a free-trade agreement. Those talks will be tricky: China is sure to take offense at any deal that appears to prevent reunification."

One of the few things the Chen administration has done well during the past eight years is in fostering a closer relationship with Japan. Let's hope Ma understands the importance of this. The editorial concludes by stating:

"Mr. Ma has his work cut out for him. But the scale of his victory should provide a solid foundation for his administration. Taiwan's voters appear to understand his priorities and appear ready to back a pragmatic agenda. Most significantly, the alternation of power — from KMT to DPP and back to KMT — is powerful reassurance about the state of democracy in Taiwan."

The next few years are going to be, ahem, "interesting" for Taiwan...

The Times also had an article on the election in its commentary section this morning. "Bridge just got started across the strait" http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20080328fc.html is by Frank Ching, a Hong Kong-based hack whose anti-democratic, pro-Beijing (and often anti-Japanese) writings are unsurprisingly carried by the local China Post. In this piece, Ching writes:

"...there is no longer any need for China to fear that Taiwan may seek de jure independence. The past eight years have shown that it is a cause without support from the international community and, in fact, from the majority of Taiwan's population. This is an opportunity for China to win the minds and hearts of the people of Taiwan. This is the time to agree on such things as direct flights and shipping, tourism and investment, which will enable people on the mainland and on Taiwan to get to know each other better. Perhaps, at the time of Ma's inauguration, Beijing can make a dramatic gesture, similar to one it made almost three decades ago when, on the occasion of normalization of Sino-American relations, it announced an end to 20 years of shelling the offshore island of Quemoy 金門. Now is the time for Beijing to show its good will to the people of Taiwan by getting rid of the thousand or so missiles mounted along the Chinese coast and pointed at the island. After all, China has said repeatedly that its weapons are not to be used against its Taiwan compatriots, but only against those who want to split Taiwan from China. Now that the splittists have been defeated and are stepping down, there is little reason to continue to hold a gun to Taiwan's head, especially if the two sides are going to sit down and talk. Who can say that talks are being held on the basis of equality when one side has a gun pointed at the other? The ball is now in China's court. Delicacy and finesse are required and Beijing will have to prove that it is up to the task."

I do have to hand it to Ching: whereas most commentators have been patting Taiwan on the back for successfully conducting a democratic election, Ching sees Ma's victory as a golden opportunity for China to restore the Qing Dynasty 清 empire. I have the sad feeling that Frank Ching is the only one calling it right here.

九州日立マクセル, "Kyūshū Hitachi Maxell"...in T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中.

Several articles appeared today in the Japanese English-language newspaper concerning this weekend's presidential election in Taiwan, including two in the Daily Yomiuri ザ・デイリー読売 and one in the Japan Times ジャパンタイムズ.

The first Yomiuri piece is entitled "Taiwan's democracy matures / After riots in Tibet, direct elections seem shrewd survival tactic" http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/world/20080324TDY04306.htm, and is written by the Yomiuri Shimbun's 読売新聞 bureau chief in Beijing, Takuji Kawata. It's much more optimistic in tone than the Yomiuri's editorial from the previous day:

"The direct (presidential) election, held in Taiwan at a time when military and police officers were still patrolling the streets in Tibet, was testimony to a democracy in Taiwan that has matured over more than a decade...Despite the fierce election campaign, which divided the population into two camps, the second change of administration (the first occurred with the 2000 election) was held peacefully, proving that democracy has taken root in Taiwan and matured...In the case of Taiwan, demonstrating its democratization to the world has strategic meaning in preventing China from swallowing it whole. The open and confident second change of democratic regime in Taiwan immediately after the eruption of riots in Tibet must have left a favorable impression on the international community. It has also shown the world that democratization can be effectively used as a survival strategy."

Kawata also feels that closer ties with China may not be in Taiwan's best interests:

"After seeing the bloody suppression of Tibet, the Taiwan people will have become more wary of China. As such, democratized Taiwan will have to maintain just the right amount of distance between it and China to ensure its survival."

The second Yomiuri article http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/world/20080324TDY03103.htm is divided into two parts. The first section, "Japan-Taiwan ties seen stable after Ma win" looks at the impact of Ma Ying-jeou's (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九 will have on two countries:

"The victory of opposition candidate Ma Ying-jeou in Taiwan's presidential election on Saturday is unlikely to change the current relationship between Japan and the island, observers say. But the incoming administration of President-elect Ma, a former chairman of the Nationalist Party 中国国民党 (Kuomintang or KMT), is expected to build a more business-oriented, pragmatic relationship with Japan than that pursued by the current administration led by President Chen Shui-bian (Chin Suihen) 陳水扁 of the Democratic Progressive Party 民主進歩党, who has been in office for eight years, according to sources familiar with Japan-Taiwan relations."

All is not rosy, however:

"A major bone of contention between Japan and Taiwan, which have no diplomatic ties, is a dispute over fisheries, including waters around the Senkaku Islands. While the Chen administration has been trying to minimize the dispute's effect on the Japan-Taiwan relationship, it remains unknown how the president-elect, who was critical of Japan's territorial claim on the Senkaku Islands 尖閣諸島, will deal with the problem."

Anti-Japanese sentiment doesn't play as well in Taiwan as it does in China or South Korea, so I doubt the Senkakus will turn into an issue that Ma would be able to get a lot of mileage out of. Part one ends on an upbeat note:

"During his visit to Japan in November, Ma expressed his intention to improve ties with Japan, particularly in the fields of culture and the economy. Given this, the president-elect is expected to strive to maintain the current Japan-Taiwan relationship, which has been substantially strengthened under the Chen administration, with the assistance of KMT Vice Chairman Jing Bing-kun, an expert on Japan."

The second part of the story ("Taiwan Strait seen calmer"), has some serious typesetting problems, so here's the entire section in more legible form:

"The Japanese government does not believe Ma Ying-jeou's victory in Taiwan's presidential election will drastically alter its relationship with Taiwan, according to government sources. Moreover, some within the government welcomed the election outcome because they judge that the incoming administration led by the Nationalist Party will help promote dialogue and ease tensions between China and Taiwan. A strained China-Taiwan relationship would affect Japan's national security policies, they have pointed out. Within the Japanese government, it was initially considered that Frank Hsieh (Sha Chōtei) 謝長廷, the candidate of the ruling Democratic Progressive Party, was friendlier toward Japan than Ma. When Ma criticized Japan over history and territorial issues, some members in the government and the ruling parties responded by characterizing him as 'anti-Japan.' However, things completely changed following Ma's visit to Japan in November. During his stay, he met with politicians in both the ruling and opposition blocs, including former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori 森喜朗, and expressed his intention to strengthen business-oriented exchanges with Japan in the fields of the economy and culture. 'Mr. Ma has studied in the United States, and we hear he's a man of common sense. We don't think there'll be a major change in Japan-Taiwan relations [after Ma takes office],' a senior Foreign Ministry official said. The Japanese government had been negative toward Taiwan's referendums on U.N. membership, which also were conducted on Saturday. The referendums failed to gain the required participation level needed to be considered valid. 'We can't support an attempt to unilaterally change the current framework,' Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda 福田康夫 said in reference to the scheduled referendum. Therefore, there is a growing view within the government that the change in the administration will have a calming effect on relations across the Taiwan Strait, according to government sources."

Finally, from the Japan Times, Max Hirsch of Kyōdō News 共同通信社 in T'aipei (Taibei) 台北 weighs in with "Taiwan's Ma still open to visiting Japan, U.S." http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20080324a4.html:

"Taiwan's president-elect, Ma Ying-jeou, said Sunday he has not ruled out visiting Japan and the United States before his inauguration in May...'I plan to go to those countries most friendly (to Taiwan),' he told a press conference held exclusively for the Japanese press in Taipei.'After inauguration, I wouldn't be able to go anywhere, so now would be a good chance,' he added. Lacking diplomatic ties with the United States and Japan, Taiwan's leaders are typically denied access to those countries and rarely, if ever, conduct direct, high-level meetings with Washington and Tokyo power brokers. Nonetheless, the United States is Taiwan's chief security guarantor while Japan is its second-largest trading partner and a potential security partner."

If Ma follows through on this, it would help to get his administration off on the right foot after he takes over the presidency on May 20. It makes sense to:

"...'rebuild channels of communication and mutual trust' in Taiwan's bilateral ties with the United States and Japan..."

as these two countries are so crucial to the maintenance of Taiwan as an independent political entity. Considering the possible backlash from China over such visits, this could be the first test of how a Ma administration would stand up to pressure from Beijing.

Actually, if it turns out Ma still holds a US green card, who can stop him from going to the US even after he becomes president?

In the aftermath of yesterday's presidential election triumph by Ma Ying-jeou (Ba Eikyū) 馬英九 of the Kuomintang (Guomindang) 中国国民党, the Daily Yomiuri ザ・デイリー読売 tried to explain the reasons for, and the possible ramifications of, the results in an editorial entitled "Taiwan voters offer olive branch to China" http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/20080323TDY04310.htm. While the Yomiuri's editors cite the usual factors found in most Western media coverage of the voting (a sluggish economy, corruption scandals, the supposed benefits to be had from closer economic integration with China), they seem less than convinced of Ma's adherence to Taiwan's democratic ideals:

"Ma's electoral victory likely is bound to temporarily set back Taiwan's ongoing efforts to make progress in democratization 民主化 and 'Taiwanization,' the process of establishing systems distinct from those of China--politically, culturally, educationally, linguistically or otherwise. The movement started in the 1990s, when Lee Teng-hui (Ri Tōki) 李登輝 was president."

They also ask the question:

"(During the election campaign) Ma emphasized the need to maintain a one-China policy 一つの中国. However, this was also complemented by his conciliatory approach toward native Taiwanese, who account for 85 percent of the island's population. He said the future of Taiwan must be determined by the 23 million Taiwanese. Will Ma keep this policy intact after taking office?"

Will he indeed. The Yomiuri goes on to ponder the impact of Ma's victory on Japan:

"Ma has said Taiwan will seek good ties with Japan. On the other hand, he has strongly opposed Japan's territorial claim to the Senkaku Islands 尖閣諸島. Given this, his policy toward Japan should be closely watched."

The Senkaku dispute stirs a lot more emotions on the Chinese mainland than it does in Taiwan. A good indication of where Ma's heart truly lies could be revealed by how he approaches this issue after he takes office in May.

Maybe it has something to do with geographic proximity and the colonial legacy, but leave it to a Japanese newspaper to sum things up much better than most Western publications:

"The future of Taiwan could significantly affect East Asia's security. We hope Taiwan's president-elect will exercise care and caution in running the island."

Hardly a ringing endorsement of the incoming administration. Prove me wrong Ma, please!

Speaking of the colonial past, the family went for a drive this afternoon to a small town in T'aichung (Taijhong) County 台中県 called Waip'u (Waipu) 外埔, and paid a visit at the Tz'ulien (Cihlian) Temple 慈蓮寺. It wasn't clear whether the temple dates from the Japanese era in Taiwan (1895-1945), or whether it was built in a Japanese style at a later date, but the appearance of the main hall, along with the torii 鳥居-looking gates and small garden in the back, definitely make this place stand out from most Buddhist temples here.

Given the Ma administration's lack of enthusiasm towards the preservation of Japanese-era architecture while he was mayor of T'aipei (Taibei) 台北, will buildings such as these survive the purge following the establishment of the Taiwan Special Administrative Region?

Densō デンソー is a Japanese manufacturer of automotive components, and is a familiar name on the streets of Taiwan.

It didn't take Gregory Clark long to come up with a column in the Japan Times ジャパンタイムズ on the recent troubles in Tibet チベット ("Tibet and Olympic Games" http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/eo20080321gc.html). He only makes one reference to Taiwan, but it's a classic:

"As for Tibetan independence, people forget that the strongest opponent was the Western-backed Nationalist Chinese government that ended up in Taiwan. Beijing simply inherited that Western-approved situation."

So it's all Taiwan's fault! Well, Greg, I'm no fan of the KMT 中国国民党, but it wasn't their forces that invaded Tibet in 1950, and drove the Dalai Lama ダライ・ラマ into exile in 1959. But there's no end to the excuses that Clark dreams up to explain away one of the world's worst abusers of human rights. In fact, he's been writing in this vein for so long, it's hard to work up a sense of outrage anymore. But it does make me wonder how people who can otherwise distinguish between what is right and wrong (as far as I know, Gregory Clark has never committed any felonies) can betray those most basic principles of being human when the lives of literally millions are needlessly suffering. Or is that also a part of being human?

And so we come to Taiwan, and the March 22 presidential election. I'm having a difficult time comprehending why otherwise decent people would consider voting for a party like the KMT, with it's long history of unrepentant corruption (and cozy ties with gangsters) and repression (40 years of martial law 戒厳令, the 228 Incident 二・二八事件, the White Terror 白色テロ etc.) This isn't like deciding to vote against the Republicans 共和党, where even though one might disagree with many of their conservative principles, it is still the party of Lincoln, after all. No, the KMT is odious, plain and simple, yet it controls the legislature, and stands a good chance of capturing the presidency. There are plenty of types like Gregory Clark here in Taiwan, with their warped views of both history and current events often being reflected on the pages of the China Post, a newspaper which frequently tries to portray Chiang Kai-shek (Shō Kaiseki) 蒋介石 as the man who (almost single-handedly!) defeated the Japanese in World War II (never mind the fact that the Japanese army was still entrenched in China when the atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima 広島 and Nagasaki 長崎, and the Red Army 赤軍 attacked Manchuria 満州国); protected Taiwan from communism (no, it was the U.S. Seventh Fleet 第7艦隊 that did that); and started Taiwan on the path to democracy (a process which was actually begun by his son following Chiang's death). I guess it all comes down to what benefits the individual more than anything else, and if the KMT is judged to be party that can better bring home the bacon, then a little moral obfuscation will help to swallow the bitter pill that comes with all that pork.

Perhaps the day will come when the KMT will attempt to atone for its sins of the past, either by reforming itself into a new party, like the former communists in Hungary ハンガリー, or agreeing to the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to look into past misdeeds, as was done in South Africa 南アフリカ共和国. And someday, too, pigs may take to the skies, and there will be snowball fights in Hell.

It's probably a safe bet to say that spring has arrived in central Taiwan. The weather has warmed up noticeably, in spite of the scattered rainfall we've had the past several days. Today was sunny, though the air quality left a lot to be desired. Nevertheless, it seemed like a good day to let Amber run around outside, so off we went to T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中.

Following a stop for lunch at a small shopping mall on Chungkang (Jhonggang) Road 中港路 operated by Taisugar 台湾製糖 (where I snapped these two shots):

("Motomachi Oden" 元町おでん on the left; "Ichibantei" 一番亭 on the right, but what the hell is "Itfantin"?), we parked our car on the side of the road, and walked into Tunghai (Donghai) University, a private university founded by Protestant missionaries. Tunghai is best noted for the Luce Memorial Chapel 路思義教堂, designed by none other than I.M. Pei イオ・ミン・ペイ. There were lots of people taking pictures of the chapel, and generally enjoying themselves on the grassy lawn. The mid-afternoon sun reflecting off the side of the building resulted in a lot of glare:


Amber uses her feet to massage her father's back. It might have been a good idea to have taken her shoes off first.

After checking out the chapel at Tunghai, we drove over to the nearby Taichung Metropolitan Park 台中都會公園. This park is located on top of a ridge, and on a clear day (and night), the views would be fabulous. This wasn't one of those days. The park was packed with couples and families, but for once, this produced a good vibe, as everyone seemed to be enjoying themselves. And the poor air quality did make for a nice sunset (shot courtesy of my wife, Pamela):

First up this morning was a brief, but interesting, article in the Daily Yomiuri ザ・デイリー読売 entitled "Taiwan emergency 'Japan security concern'" http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/national/20080314TDY02310.htm:

"A military crisis in the Taiwan Strait 台湾海峡 would present a matter of concern for Japan's own security, a senior official of the Defense Ministry 防衛省 told a Liberal Democratic Party 自由民主党 panel Thursday. Asked about a possible government response in the event of an emergency in the strait, Nobushige Takamizawa, director general of the ministry's Defense Policy Bureau 防衛政策局, said, 'It's a serious matter for our country, so before we decide to consider it as a crisis in areas surrounding [Japan], we, of course, would like to strengthen surveillance by the Self-Defense Forces 自衛隊. It's not [merely] a matter of the Japan-U.S. security cooperation, but also a matter of Japan's national security,' he told the ruling party's Research Commission on Security."

While this would seem obvious given both the close proximity of Taiwan to Japan (Yonaguni 与那国島, the westernmost island in the Ryūkyū Islands 南西諸島 chain, is only 78 miles/125 kilometers from the east coast of Taiwan), and the fact that the Taiwan Strait lies near one of Japan's vital economic sea lanes, it's rare for officials like Takamizawa in such high positions to make public remarks on the subject. As the article notes:

"The (Japanese) government has been ambiguous about the definition of a crisis in areas surrounding Japan, saying the definition is not bound by geographic factors. The stance is apparently out of consideration for China, which is concerned about possible containment moves aimed at it by Japan, the United States or other countries at the time of a contingency in the Taiwan Strait."

The story points out that Takamizawa's comments are likely to provoke controversy, though so far none has been reported.

On a different matter, I rode into T'aichung (Taijhong) 台中 again this morning on another personal errand, and while I was there I photographed some more examples of the Japanese language being employed on signboards. Here's the first one I came across, for a restaurant: